Why protest works Adam Daniel Fishwick skrifar 8. september 2025 09:31 This weekend thousands of Icelanders joined to protest the ongoing genocide in Palestine. People gathered in public squares to demand an end to the atrocities and collectively called the Icelandic government to action. Positive signs are that the government may listen to the protesters but what happens next is still uncertain. Often, we hear criticisms of protests (and protesters): What is the point? Nothing will change. Who will listen? I’m only one person. These are all common responses that anyone who has been on a protest of any kind will have heard. But change does happen. Social movement scholars Laurence Cox and Alf Nielsen in their 2014 book described institutions as “the sediments of past struggles”. What this means is that often what is presented to us as fixed and unchangeable is actually far more fragile than we think. And protest can reset that sediment to something new. We can look to history to see how protest has made a difference and brought about change. The end of Apartheid in South Africa is often used as an example for today’s global protests in support of Palestine. Protest movements in South America have played a crucial role in ending dictatorships and confronting corrupt and unequal economies. Even in Iceland, the pots and pans protests in 2008 saw off the worst of economic austerity that overtook the rest of Europe. At the same time, we can list examples when protest hasn’t brought about change. When protests have ended in repression and failure – see the 2003 invasion of Iraq. So, to understand why protest works we also need to understand what protest does, even beyond the most visible examples of institutional and social change. First, protest disrupts. The act of protesting is, at its core, disruptive of the status quo. It stops the normal functioning of life to march in the streets of the city, to gather in a public square or in front of a major political building, or, in more extreme examples, to blockade or occupy symbolically important buildings or locations. This physical disruption can have important consequences. It can prevent something from happening – blockading shipments and ports, for example – or it can make our actions visible to powerful decision makers who normally we would not be able to reach – anti globalisation protesters in the 1990s, for example, stopped the WTO. Disruption is important because, at the same time, it reveals how that status quo operates. It shows us who is making the decisions that are affecting us and how these are being made. In doing so, it also produces a symbolic disruption to our collective understanding of what is – and what should be – normal. Protest is a revelatory moment because it makes visible the processes and people making the decisions that maintain the normal functioning of our society. It unsettles the idea that politics is happening “out there” away from our grasp and shows that we can have a say in how things are done. Political decisions often appear to us as necessary evils – the famous T(here) I(s) N(o) A(lternative) to neoliberalism or the public bailing out of the global banking sector after 2008 – but by stopping and saying no, we see how these are the outcomes of decisions being made, and decisions we can change. But protest also works as more than just disruption. It is productive and creative. Protest offers hope for a different future. The collective calls made this weekend for peace and freedom for children and their families in Gaza by children and their families in Reykjavik is a hopeful vision of the future. By coming together in this way, protest builds connection between those involved in these collective actions. These bonds are the foundation of solidarity and building community between individuals. Social movements and their momentum rely on this connection and solidarity formation to sustain themselves and to offer alternative visions that can challenge the status quo. We see examples of this solidarity building in the occupation of public squares after 2010 that built activist communities, in trade unions that build grassroots solidarity among their members through collective action, or in mass protests by feminist movements around the world demanding rights to safe abortion. Protest disrupts, reveals, builds community, and changes the world. Confronting the horrors facing the Palestinians in Gaza today means we need to do all these things. So now is the time to keep showing just how protest can work. The author is currently based at the University of Akureyri with a PhD in International Relations and has an academic background of over 10 years researching, publishing, and teaching on social movements and trade unions. He is now researching trade unions and protest in Iceland. Viltu birta grein á Vísi? Kynntu þér reglur ritstjórnar um skoðanagreinar. Senda grein Mest lesið Ekki í okkar nafni Hópur félagsmanna Samfylkingarinnar og óflokksbundið jafnaðarfólk Skoðun Árnar eru ekki hreinsistöð fyrir sjókvíaeldi Brynjar Arnason Skoðun Við viljum ekki ölmusu, við viljum fá að koma heim Dagmar Valsdóttir Skoðun Eyja með stöðugt gengi, lítið atvinnuleysi og lága húsnæðisvexti Svanborg Sigmarsdóttir Skoðun Hinn sjö mánaða Sam Fahd Abu Haikal Sveinn Þórhallsson Skoðun Mannúðin sett í varðhald í brottfararbúðum Rósa Björk Brynjólfsdóttir Skoðun Hverjir borga brúsann? Franklín Ernir Kristjánsson Skoðun Þegar rekstrarkröfur grafa undan faglegu starfi í þverfaglegri endurhæfingu Gunnhildur L. Marteinsdóttir Skoðun Við þurfum ekki ESB – eða hvað? Þorvaldur Ingi Jónsson Skoðun Það er verið að efla framhaldsskóla og verkmenntun Sigurjón Þórðarson Skoðun Skoðun Skoðun Við þurfum ekki ESB – eða hvað? Þorvaldur Ingi Jónsson skrifar Skoðun Það er verið að efla framhaldsskóla og verkmenntun Sigurjón Þórðarson skrifar Skoðun Fullveldið er undirstaða sveigjanleikans: Hvers vegna EES-samstarfið dugar okkur Kristinn Karl Brynjarsson skrifar Skoðun Seiðkarlar fyrri alda Steingrímur Gunnarsson skrifar Skoðun Hverjir borga brúsann? Franklín Ernir Kristjánsson skrifar Skoðun Þegar rekstrarkröfur grafa undan faglegu starfi í þverfaglegri endurhæfingu Gunnhildur L. Marteinsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Hvað varð um gangbrautirnar? Valerio Gargiulo skrifar Skoðun Misskilningur: RÚV, Silfrið og meint hlutdrægni Hjörvar Sigurðsson skrifar Skoðun Árnar eru ekki hreinsistöð fyrir sjókvíaeldi Brynjar Arnason skrifar Skoðun Þarf vinnuskóli að vera vesen? Íris Róbertsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Djarfar senur klipptar út Elías Blöndal Guðjónsson skrifar Skoðun Hinn sjö mánaða Sam Fahd Abu Haikal Sveinn Þórhallsson skrifar Skoðun Eyja með stöðugt gengi, lítið atvinnuleysi og lága húsnæðisvexti Svanborg Sigmarsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Við viljum ekki ölmusu, við viljum fá að koma heim Dagmar Valsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Ekki í okkar nafni Hópur félagsmanna Samfylkingarinnar og óflokksbundið jafnaðarfólk skrifar Skoðun Mannúðin sett í varðhald í brottfararbúðum Rósa Björk Brynjólfsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Óuppfyllt loforð í húsnæðismálum í Kópavogi Eydís Inga Valsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Ísland vísar veginn í beinni nýtingu jarðhita Nótt Thorberg skrifar Skoðun Gjafakvótakerfið sem ráðherra Viðreisnar vill ekki kannast við Jón Kaldal skrifar Skoðun Hvað á að gera við afa? Stefanía Fanney Björgvinsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Vandræðagangur ráðuneytis við kerfisbreytingar setur þingnefnd í vanda Leifur Þorkelsson skrifar Skoðun Hugleiðingar um heimili fyrir færniskert fólk á ýmsum aldri Sigrún Huld Þorgrímsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Verðbólga eða atvinnuleysi, hvort viltu frekar? Elliði Vignisson skrifar Skoðun Um brottfararstöð og vistun barna Grímur Grímsson,Víðir Reynisson,Sandra Sigurðardóttir,Kolbrún Áslaugar Baldursdóttir,Guðmundur Ari Sigurjónsson skrifar Skoðun Kæru landar – af hverju eigum við að segja nei í ágúst? Þorvaldur Ingi Jónsson skrifar Skoðun Stöðugleiki eða sveigjanleiki Sigurjón Njarðarson skrifar Skoðun Lágt atvinnuleysi? Lítum á tölurnar Halldór Jörgen Olesen skrifar Skoðun Nýtt kvótakerfi í sjókvíaeldi — á kostnað landeigenda og veiðiréttarhafa Jóhann Helgi Stefánsson skrifar Skoðun Heilbrigðiseftirlit á heima í nærumhverfinu Kolbrún Georgsdóttir skrifar Skoðun Hvers vegna styðja Íslendingar dánaraðstoð og hvað veldur andstöðu? Ingrid Kuhlman skrifar Sjá meira
This weekend thousands of Icelanders joined to protest the ongoing genocide in Palestine. People gathered in public squares to demand an end to the atrocities and collectively called the Icelandic government to action. Positive signs are that the government may listen to the protesters but what happens next is still uncertain. Often, we hear criticisms of protests (and protesters): What is the point? Nothing will change. Who will listen? I’m only one person. These are all common responses that anyone who has been on a protest of any kind will have heard. But change does happen. Social movement scholars Laurence Cox and Alf Nielsen in their 2014 book described institutions as “the sediments of past struggles”. What this means is that often what is presented to us as fixed and unchangeable is actually far more fragile than we think. And protest can reset that sediment to something new. We can look to history to see how protest has made a difference and brought about change. The end of Apartheid in South Africa is often used as an example for today’s global protests in support of Palestine. Protest movements in South America have played a crucial role in ending dictatorships and confronting corrupt and unequal economies. Even in Iceland, the pots and pans protests in 2008 saw off the worst of economic austerity that overtook the rest of Europe. At the same time, we can list examples when protest hasn’t brought about change. When protests have ended in repression and failure – see the 2003 invasion of Iraq. So, to understand why protest works we also need to understand what protest does, even beyond the most visible examples of institutional and social change. First, protest disrupts. The act of protesting is, at its core, disruptive of the status quo. It stops the normal functioning of life to march in the streets of the city, to gather in a public square or in front of a major political building, or, in more extreme examples, to blockade or occupy symbolically important buildings or locations. This physical disruption can have important consequences. It can prevent something from happening – blockading shipments and ports, for example – or it can make our actions visible to powerful decision makers who normally we would not be able to reach – anti globalisation protesters in the 1990s, for example, stopped the WTO. Disruption is important because, at the same time, it reveals how that status quo operates. It shows us who is making the decisions that are affecting us and how these are being made. In doing so, it also produces a symbolic disruption to our collective understanding of what is – and what should be – normal. Protest is a revelatory moment because it makes visible the processes and people making the decisions that maintain the normal functioning of our society. It unsettles the idea that politics is happening “out there” away from our grasp and shows that we can have a say in how things are done. Political decisions often appear to us as necessary evils – the famous T(here) I(s) N(o) A(lternative) to neoliberalism or the public bailing out of the global banking sector after 2008 – but by stopping and saying no, we see how these are the outcomes of decisions being made, and decisions we can change. But protest also works as more than just disruption. It is productive and creative. Protest offers hope for a different future. The collective calls made this weekend for peace and freedom for children and their families in Gaza by children and their families in Reykjavik is a hopeful vision of the future. By coming together in this way, protest builds connection between those involved in these collective actions. These bonds are the foundation of solidarity and building community between individuals. Social movements and their momentum rely on this connection and solidarity formation to sustain themselves and to offer alternative visions that can challenge the status quo. We see examples of this solidarity building in the occupation of public squares after 2010 that built activist communities, in trade unions that build grassroots solidarity among their members through collective action, or in mass protests by feminist movements around the world demanding rights to safe abortion. Protest disrupts, reveals, builds community, and changes the world. Confronting the horrors facing the Palestinians in Gaza today means we need to do all these things. So now is the time to keep showing just how protest can work. The author is currently based at the University of Akureyri with a PhD in International Relations and has an academic background of over 10 years researching, publishing, and teaching on social movements and trade unions. He is now researching trade unions and protest in Iceland.
Þegar rekstrarkröfur grafa undan faglegu starfi í þverfaglegri endurhæfingu Gunnhildur L. Marteinsdóttir Skoðun
Skoðun Fullveldið er undirstaða sveigjanleikans: Hvers vegna EES-samstarfið dugar okkur Kristinn Karl Brynjarsson skrifar
Skoðun Þegar rekstrarkröfur grafa undan faglegu starfi í þverfaglegri endurhæfingu Gunnhildur L. Marteinsdóttir skrifar
Skoðun Eyja með stöðugt gengi, lítið atvinnuleysi og lága húsnæðisvexti Svanborg Sigmarsdóttir skrifar
Skoðun Vandræðagangur ráðuneytis við kerfisbreytingar setur þingnefnd í vanda Leifur Þorkelsson skrifar
Skoðun Hugleiðingar um heimili fyrir færniskert fólk á ýmsum aldri Sigrún Huld Þorgrímsdóttir skrifar
Skoðun Um brottfararstöð og vistun barna Grímur Grímsson,Víðir Reynisson,Sandra Sigurðardóttir,Kolbrún Áslaugar Baldursdóttir,Guðmundur Ari Sigurjónsson skrifar
Skoðun Nýtt kvótakerfi í sjókvíaeldi — á kostnað landeigenda og veiðiréttarhafa Jóhann Helgi Stefánsson skrifar
Þegar rekstrarkröfur grafa undan faglegu starfi í þverfaglegri endurhæfingu Gunnhildur L. Marteinsdóttir Skoðun